Relaxing at Pure Wine Cafe
July 9, 2009
This is a very rare week (the first one in years) in which I’ve been left at home to take care of the pets and work past my usual stopping time. Tonight I decided to take a break and check out Pure Wine Café, a new wine bar in downtown Ellicott City. I’d noticed it some time ago while driving and walking down Main Street, had checked it out on the web, and thought it might be a nice place to relax after work. I was not disappointed.
You can read more about it at the Baltimore Sun and Urbanspoon. Pure Wine Café (no “The”, thank you very much; they’re inconsistent about using the acute accent, but I’ll do so) also has its menu and wine list online—unless you have an iPhone, since the menu and wine list are in Flash. That’s a major shame, because the iPhone demographic is exactly what Pure Wine Café is targeted at: people who like a combination of sophistication and approachability, and don’t mind paying a bit of a premium to obtain it.
When I stopped by the place was not crowded but had enough people there that I didn’t feel lonely. The physical space is intimate, with an air of informal elegance; there’s a U-shaped bar and several small tables. (They have nice aluminum chairs too, maybe the famous Emeco Navy chair or a variant—it’s the sort of place that makes you think of things like that.) Since this was my first visit I put myself at the mercy of the staff, and was fortunate to get some great recommendations from the sommelier, Mark Bowman. I went with his advice and had the roasted rosemary fennel paired with a glass of Fuente Milano 2008 and the honey-whipped chevre paired with a glass of Klemens Weber Riesling Halbtrocken 2007 (if I recall correctly). (Incidentally, I very much appreciate Pure Wine Café selling wine in 2 oz. glasses; I’m not up to drinking a lot of wine, and think it’s a much better approach than restricting myself to a single 5 oz. glass.)
The first pairing was pretty near perfect. I like fennel and absolutely love pancetta lardons; it was a great savory experience and the Fuente Milano complemented it very well. The second pairing was a tad on the sweet side; nice, but not as transcendent as the first. Since I wasn’t looking to make this a major meal I stopped there in terms of food. They have a few desserts (not listed on the web site, I don’t know why), but it’s the sort of place that really calls for a dessert wine, so I had a 2 oz. glass of La Malaga
from Tenuta La Meridiana (I think—again, the dessert wines and other after-dinner drinks aren’t listed on the web site).
The total bill came to just over $30 including tip, and in my opinion was well worth it; if I get a chance sometime I’ll definitely go back. They have a (small) selection of beers and a full bar, so if JessieX can get around to scheduling another blogger cocktail party (hint, hint!) I think it would be the perfect place to have one.
Coal Fire Pizza in Ellicott City
April 27, 2009
I don’t normally do restaurant reviews, but I thought I’d do a quick one for the Coal Fire Pizza in Ellicott City, since it just opened and I was among the first crowd of folks who ate there. (For other reactions see the post at Howchow.) Basically it’s a nice upscale casual
place with good pizza and other tasty offerings. It’s a tad expensive if you order a lot (over $70 for three people in our case, without any alcoholic drinks included), but I’d definitely go back.
I’ll start from the beginning: Coal Fire Pizza is in the small retail center that’s part of the Shipley’s Grant development off Route 108 south of Route 100 and west of Snowden River Parkway. The center is quite nice (and previously praised by Wordbones); it’s marred only by being adjacent to the high-voltage power lines that divide the Shipley’s Grant site in half. Coal Fire Pizza itself has a restaurant area and a separate bar (each with its own door, though the areas connect); the decor is nicely done in tones of brown, but a bit bare and corporate
for my taste. (It could use some artwork on the walls.)
Though the restaurant was almost full the wait staff were helpful and seemed to be doing pretty well for a restaurant open only two days. We ordered two pizzas (12-inch Margherita and 12-inch with pepperoni, mushroom, and banana peppers), two salads (The Coal Fire
and the grilled Caesar), and the Chesapeake mac and cheese:
- The Coal Fire salad was romaine lettuce and grape tomatoes with (very thick) bacon and pecans, served with a sweet honey mustard vinaigrette dressing. A very nice salad, with enough bacon to satisfy anyone; I would definitely order this again. However the dressing is laid on a bit thick; I recommend getting it on the side. The salad has artisan bread served on the side instead of croutons; it’s good bread, and a nice touch.
- The grilled Caesar is a twist on the normal Caesar salad, made with a single stalk of romaine lettuce that’s grilled a bit. This was less successful to my mind, because it somewhat lacked the crispiness I like in a Caesar salad. However my dining companion loved it, and likened it to a classic wilted salad. (I’ll note though that wilted salads are traditionally made by pouring hot dressing over the salad; in Coal Fire Pizza’s grilled Caesar the salad dressing is cold.) This salad also came with artisan bread on the side.
- The Chesapeake Mac & Cheese is a traditional macaroni and cheese with crab meat added, baked a bit with a crumb topping. It’s a great dish for kids who like both macaroni and cheese and crabcakes, and a wonderful guilty pleasure for adults.
- The Margherita pizza was a classic pizza recipe (cheese, basil, tomato sauce), done well. The crust was thin but help up well, and nicely browned at the edges (to blackness in a couple of spots).
- The other pizza was notable for its sauce. Coal Fire Pizza offers a choice of three sauces,
classic
(traditional marinara sauce, what’s on the Margherita),spicy
, andsignature
(a mix of the two). For this pizza we ordered the spicy sauce. It was quite spicy, not overly so but perhaps more spicy than most people want on a pizza; in future I’d probably order thesignature
sauce instead.
As best I can tell Coal Fire Pizza doesn’t serve any desserts; at least none are on the menu, and we weren’t offered any. However you can just walk across the parking lot to a Cold Stone Creamery outlet—a quite popular one, judging by the line stretched outside the door. There’s also a Starbucks if you want coffee, and The Wine Seller (a spinoff from Decanter Fine Wines in the Hickory Ridge Village Center) if you want to do your drinking at home.
All in all we were quite happy with our visit to Coal Fire Pizza, and definitely plan to eat there again. It’s a great place to get good pizza in Howard County, and if you share pizzas with others and go easy on the appetizers it would be a relatively cheap meal. (Though there are definitely appetizers I’d like to try, including the thin-cut fries, onion rings, and baked chicken wings with Vidalia onions.)
One final note: In a sign of both the times and the locale, the Coal Fire Pizza menu goes to great lengths to reassure us that it uses only anthracite, the cleanest type of coal … virtually free of smoke and particulate emissions
, extracted almost exclusively from previous disturbed sites, not virgin territory
, where the surrounding ecosystem is rescued and revived
via a special Federal program. So don’t worry, Howard Countians: it’s not just good pizza, it’s green pizza!
Income inequality in Howard County, part 2
November 16, 2008
(This is part 2 of a two-part post; for background on the Gini coefficient see part 1.)
I previously discussed use of the Gini coefficient as a way to measure income inequality (or equality, as the case may be), and promised to discuss why Howard County is noteworthy in this regard. In brief, Howard County is one of only seven counties in the US (out of 800 counties and other geographic areas) that rank in the top 5% (positions 1-40) for both median household income and income equality (as measured by the Gini coefficient):
| Geographic area | Income rank | Median household income | Equality rank | Gini coefficient |
| Howard County, Maryland | 3 | 101,672 | 29 | 0.379 |
| Calvert County, Maryland | 6 | 95,134 | 26 | 0.376 |
| Douglas County CO | 9 | 92,824 | 25 | 0.376 |
| Stafford County, Virginia | 12 | 87,629 | 12 | 0.36 |
| Prince William County, Virginia | 13 | 87,243 | 6 | 0.351 |
| Charles County, Maryland | 20 | 83,412 | 9 | 0.353 |
| Scott County, Minnesota | 39 | 77,678 | 20 | 0.369 |
(By way of comparison, the estimated Gini coefficient for the entire US in 2007 is 0.467, while the estimated US median household income in 2007 is $50,740.)
All of these counties share similar characteristics: They are formerly rural counties, relatively small in population (ranging from roughly 100,000 to 400,000), that are close enough to major cities to benefit from their economic growth but far enough away to exclude urban concentrations of poverty. Except for Douglas County (a suburb of Denver) and Scott County (a suburb of Minneapolis-St Paul), all are located near Washington DC. This points up the role of the Federal government as the economic engine of the region, providing lots of well-paying government and contractor jobs but at the same time not fostering an entrepreneurial culture that might produce more truly wealthy people.1
Although people disagree on the exact causes, there’s general agreement that income inequality has been generally growing over the past few decades, both in the US as a whole and within Maryland specifically. Howard County has been no exception, but even so its current level of inequality, although higher than it was in former years, is apparently no greater than that for the US as a whole in 1967, the year Columbia was founded.2
Howard County’s high median household income and low Gini coefficient could be interpreted as an endorsement of the Columbia vision
: Columbia and Howard County have achieved 21st century-leading prosperity accompanied by 1960s-level equality. But does the Columbia vision really have anything to with this?
As noted above, while its situation is special in the US as a whole, Howard County is joined in its relative good fortune by several other Maryland and Virginia counties, all standard garden-variety suburbs with no Jim Rouse-like figures present at the creation (as it were). Rouse was certainly an enlightened developer, but first and foremost he was a canny developer, and the fundamental reason for Columbia’s success was Rouse’s foresight in seeing over forty years ago that Howard County’s location, location, location
positioned it for future prosperity.
Despite that, I think the (lingering) vision of what Columbia should be does influence public attitudes toward income inequality in Howard County, and may help account for some of the special characteristics of the debates over Columbia’s future. For example, I’m sure that many opponents of the WCI Plaza Residences were sincerely concerned about the architectural compatibility of a 22-story tower with Columbia Town Center as it is and (in their minds) should be. However I also think some of the opposition was due to unease as to what it meant for the Columbia vision to have rich people in $2M condos looming over the split-levels, townhouses, and apartments of the surrounding villages.
Having the truly wealthy and their luxurious dwellings sprinkled through western Howard is one thing, having them occupy the symbolic heart of Columbia would be quite another, and I can understand why some older Columbians may have been troubled at the thought of it. I think a similar unease may lie behind the concern expressed that future housing in Columbia Town Center would be monopolized by the wealthy few
.
In my previous post I mentioned Fairfield County, Connecticut. As Jay Hancock wrote in a blog post a while back, though it has a high median household income Howard County isn’t really rich in the sense that other areas are. On the other hand Fairfield County (or, to be more precise, Greenwich and other towns within Fairfield County) is indeed rich, with a vengeance. (Or at least it was, before the recent financial crisis; I don’t know how it’s doing now.) Home to a number of hedge fund billionaires and other people who made their fortunes in financial services, in 2007 Fairfield County had a mean household income of over $130,000, ranked in the top 5% for median household income ($80,241), and in the bottom 5% for income equality (with a Gini coefficient of 0.534).
Fairfield County is in a sense Howard County as it might have been in an alternative world, if DC were like New York. (In this regard it’s also worth noting that in 2007 New York City surpassed DC in both median household income, $64,217 vs. $54,317, and income inequality, with a Gini coefficient of 0.603 vs. 0.542.) That Howard County isn’t Fairfield County in this world might be seen as an unalloyed blessing: We live in a more fair and equal society, and are more insulated from the vicissitudes of global capitalism.
However it can also be argued that Columbia and Howard County are giving up something in return, and that (within limits) they might benefit from an increased influx of true wealth and the inequality that accompanies it. That’s a subject I hope to address in a future post.
1. It’s worth noting that Frederick County, Maryland almost made the list above as well in 2007; it is ranked #43 for median household income, and #22 for income equality. In fact, as a state Maryland has a Gini coefficient well below the US average, as pointed out by Jay Hancock of the Baltimore Sun last year.
2. The US Gini index in 1967 was 0.397 (US Census Bureau Publication P60-235, Income, Poverty, and Health Insurance Coverage in the United States: 2007, Table A-3, pp. 40-41). Due to a change in methodology in the early 1990s, Gini coefficients published by the Census Bureau for the 1960s cannot be directly compared to current Gini coefficients from the same source. However I think it’s reasonable to conclude that income inequality in Howard County today is at least roughly similar to income inequality in the US as a whole in 1967.
Income inequality in Howard County, part 1
November 16, 2008
(This is part 1 of a two-part post; for the conclusion see part 2.)
In a previous post I discussed the concept of median income and how it avoids certain distortions inherent in mean (average) income. However median income by itself is not adequate to characterize the economic status of households in Howard County (or anywhere else for that matter). In particular, the median income just provides the midpoint
for income, i.e., the income value for which 50% of the households make more and 50% make less; it does not address the question of how income is actually distributed among the various households.
For example, let’s go back to our simple 10-household example from the last post:
| Household | Household Income | Share of Household Income | Cumulative Share of Household Income |
| 1 | $16,000 | 1.35% | 1.35% |
| 2 | $37,000 | 3.11% | 4.46% |
| 3 | $56,000 | 4.71% | 9.17% |
| 4 | $75,000 | 6.31% | 15.48% |
| 5 | $92,000 | 7.74% | 23.21% |
| 6 | $111,000 | 9.34% | 32.55% |
| 7 | $132,000 | 11.10% | 43.65% |
| 8 | $163,000 | 13.71% | 57.36% |
| 9 | $190,000 | 15.98% | 73.34% |
| 10 | $317,000 | 26.66% | 100.00% |
I’ve added two new columns of data, but otherwise the situation is as I described it previously: the ten households have an average income of $118,900 but a median income of $101,500, very similar to the actual numbers for Howard County1. Now let’s look at a second 10-household example:
| Household | Household Income | Share of Household Income | Cumulative Share of Household Income |
| 1 | $7,000 | 0.59% | 0.59% |
| 2 | $9,000 | 0.76% | 1.35% |
| 3 | $13,000 | 1.09% | 2.44% |
| 4 | $18,000 | 1.51% | 3.95% |
| 5 | $43,000 | 3.62% | 7.57% |
| 6 | $160,000 | 13.46% | 21.03% |
| 7 | $165,000 | 13.88% | 34.90% |
| 8 | $174,000 | 14.63% | 49.54% |
| 9 | $190,000 | 15.98% | 65.52% |
| 10 | $410,000 | 34.48% | 100.00% |
As it happens, these ten households have exactly the same average income ($118,900, $1,189,000 divided by 10) and exactly the same median income ($101,500, halfway between $43,000 and $160,000) as in the first example. However the distribution of income looks very different; in its division of households between rich and poor it looks much more like Baltimore city or Washington, DC, than it does Howard County. Clearly this difference in income inequality is not captured by the median or mean income, or even by related measures like the difference between the mean and the median. How can we quantify this difference?
One commonly-used measure of income inequality is the so-called Gini coefficient or Gini index. The computation of the Gini coefficient is more complicated than that for mean or median income, but it’s still relatively straightforward and comprehensible. The key is to look at the numbers in the last two columns of the tables above, and especially the last column, cumulative share of household income.
The third column simply gives the share of household income going to that particular household. For example, in the first table household #1 has income of $16,000 against a total of $1,189,000 for all households, or 1.35% of all income; similarly household #10 has a 26.66% share of all income ($317,000 divided by $1,189,900), and so on for the other households. The fourth column then uses these figures to compute the share of income going to the poorest n% households. For example, household #1 has a 1.35% share of total income and household #2 has a 3.11% share, so the poorest 20% of households (i.e., households #1 and #2 out of 10 total households) have 4.46% of all income (1.35% plus 3.11%). Similarly we can add the income share figures for households #1 through #9 to determine that the poorest 90% of households have 73.34% of all income, with the remaining 10% of households (i.e., household #10) having 26.66% as noted above.
The cumulative share of income can be graphed as shown in the figure below. The red points show the values from the fourth column of the table above, with the red lines then connecting the dots to approximate a curve; if there were more households there would be more points and a correspondingly smoother curve.
Now let’s look at the graph for our second example from above:
Again the red points represent the values for cumulative share of income from the fourth column of the second table, with the red lines connecting the dots. What about the blue dots in both graphs? Those represent the ideal case where all the household incomes are equal, or nearly so. In that case the poorest 10% of households will have (almost) 10% of total household income, the poorest 20% will have (almost) 20% of income, and so on. The corresponding curve will then be a straight (or nearly straight) line, here shown in blue.
Note that as household income becomes more unequal, the curve of cumulative income share (the red curve) moves further and further away from the blue line representing perfect (or nearly perfect) income equality. This gives us a straightforward way to define the Gini coefficient: It’s the size of the blue-shaded area between the blue line and the red curve, expressed as a fraction (or percentage) of the total area under the blue line. For nearly equal income distributions the red curve will be very close to the blue line, and the Gini coefficient will be close to zero, while for very unequal income distributions the red curve will be far away from the blue line, and the Gini coefficient will approach one (or 100%).
In the first example the Gini coefficient is 0.38, nearly the same as the Gini coefficient of 0.379 for Howard County (see the Census ACS table 19083)2. In the second example the Gini coefficient is 0.53. This is comparable to the Gini coefficient for the District of Columbia, which is 0.542. More interestingly for our purposes, it’s nearly the same as 0.534, the Gini coefficient for Fairfield County, Connecticut, a suburban county in the New York City metropolitan area that’s home to many hedge-fund managers and other wealthy financial services professionals.
Unlike DC, Fairfield County is a pretty affluent area overall; it has a median household income of $80,241 (somewhat lower than Howard County’s) and a mean household income of $130,397 (somewhat higher than Howard County’s).3
The following 10-household example roughly mirrors the Fairfield County household income breakdown:
| Household | Household Income | Share of Household Income | Cumulative Share of Household Income |
| 1 | $11,000 | 0.84% | 0.84% |
| 2 | $23,000 | 1.76% | 2.61% |
| 3 | $37,000 | 2.84% | 5.44% |
| 4 | $53,000 | 4.06% | 9.51% |
| 5 | $70,000 | 5.37% | 14.88% |
| 6 | $90,000 | 6.90% | 21.78% |
| 7 | $115,000 | 8.82% | 30.60% |
| 8 | $145,000 | 11.12% | 41.72% |
| 9 | $215,000 | 16.49% | 58.21% |
| 10 | $545,000 | 41.79% | 100.00% |
The corresponding Gini coefficient diagram is as follows:
What makes Howard County special with respect to income inequality, and Fairfield County particularly interesting as a comparison? The answers to those questions will be the subject of part 2 of this two-part post.
1. The US Census Bureau’s American Community Survey estimates the median household income in Howard County at $101,672 for 2007 (ACS table B19013). (This figure has a margin of error of +/-$3,594, which we’ll ignore for purposes of this discussion.) The ACS tables apparently don’t directly provide a figure for mean household income, but it can be computed by taking the aggregate household income estimate of $11,734,222,700 (ACS table B19025) and dividing it by the number of households, 98,866 (ACS table 19001); the resulting estimate for mean income is $118,688.
2. For those who’d like to check this result, the computation is relatively straightforward. First, we convert all percentages to fractions, so that the horizontal axis goes from 0 to 1, and the vertical axis likewise; the cumulative shares of income are then 0.0135 (for 0.1 of the population), 0.0446 (for 0.2), 0.0917 (for 0.3), and so on. The easiest way to compute the Gini coefficient is to compute the area under the red curve, and then to subtract it from the area under the blue line; the resulting difference is the size of the blue-shaded area, and we can then divide it by the area under the blue line to obtain the Gini coefficient.
The area under the blue line is simple to compute: It’s a triangle that is half of a 1 by 1 square, so its area is 0.5. The area under the red line is composed of a series of nine trapezoids and one triangle (at the left). The area of the triangle is half the base times the height: 0.5 times 0.1 (base) times 0.0135 (height), or 0.000675. The area of each trapezoid is the base times the average of the two vertical sides; for the first trapezoid (counting from the left) this is 0.1 (the base) times the sum of 0.0135 and 0.0446 divided by 2 or 0.0297 (the average of the two vertical sides), or 0.00297. Continuing with the other areas (left as an exercise for the reader), the sum of all the areas is about 0.31; this is the area under the red curve. We subtract this from 0.5 to get 0.19 as the area of the blue-shaded area, and then divide by 0.5 (the area under the blue line) to get 0.38 as the Gini coefficient.
3. As with Howard County, the mean household income for Fairfield County can be computed by taking the aggregate household income of $42,228,652,700 and dividing it by 323,848, the number of households.
Columbia’s account is no longer active
November 16, 2008
This doesn’t sound good: While researching a Howard County-related blog post today I happened to follow a Google search to www.columbia-md.com (a domain controlled by General Growth Partners), and got the following message: This Account Is No Longer Active
.
I guess when your stock’s in the toilet and you’re flirting with bankruptcy you’ve got more pressing things to worry about than keeping your web sites up.
So Bill Gates walks into Howard County …
October 1, 2008
In a previous post I investigated the question of whether those in Howard County with annual incomes of $120,000 or more truly constituted the wealthy few
or not. (The answer: No.) Key to that investigation was the idea of median household income, as reported by the US Census Bureau in its annual Amercian Community Survey. It turns out that the ACS data provide some interesting insights into what makes Howard County special, and can help explain the nature of the conflicts that have raged over the future of Howard County in general and Columbia in particular.
In this post I’ll start with a concept that is easy to understand but has interesting implications, namely median income and its relationship to average (or mean) income. Let’s suppose we want to look at household incomes in Howard County or any other jurisdiction. We can compute the mean income (to use the preferred term) by adding all the household incomes and then dividing by the number of households. To simplify things, let’s assume we have only 10 households with incomes as follows:
$16,000
$37,000
$56,000
$75,000
$92,000
$111,000
$132,000
$163,000
$190,000
$317,000
The sum of all incomes is $1,189,000, and then we divide by 10 to get an mean (or average) income of $118,900. Simple enough, right?
Wrong. The problem with mean income is that it doesn’t necessarily represent the reality for the typical
household, because it can be skewed by households that have either disproportionately small or (especially) disproportionally large income. For example, let’s suppose that the highest-income household in our example greatly increases its income (perhaps they’ve been the beneficiary of a successful IPO, for example), so that the incomes now look as follows:
$16,000
$37,000
$56,000
$75,000
$92,000
$111,000
$132,000
$163,000
$190,000
$1,558,000
The total of all 10 household incomes is now $2,430,000, which divided by 10 gives a mean household income of $243,000. Thus the mean household income has more than doubled, but the typical
household (9 out of 10 of them, in this example) sees no improvement in its own income.
To correct for this distortion the Census Bureau and others use a different measure of household income, namely median income. The median income is the income that falls in the middle
: half of all incomes are lower, and half are higher. In the example we have five households with income of $92,000 or less, and five households with income of $111,000 or greater. We then compute the median income as the value halfway between these two incomes, or $101,500. (This happens to be very close to the Howard County median household income of $101,672 in 2007; as will become apparent later, I deliberately chose these example numbers to create a microcosm of Howard County.)
Note that in computing the median income we didn’t specify whether we were using the first set of incomes or the second set of incomes (in which the highest-income household greatly increased its income). That’s because it doesn’t matter: the median income is exactly the same in both cases. Using median income thus avoids the distortion inherent in average income, where (as the economics joke goes), Bill Gates can walk into a bar and cause the average income to skyrocket.
But using median income has its own problems as well. Suppose that instead of walking into a bar, Bill Gates moved to Howard County. Or to achieve the same overall effect, 50 billionaires moved into Howard County, or 500 people worth $100M each. There are almost 100,000 households in Howard County, so adding a few hundred super-rich families isn’t going to affect the county’s median income at all (just as making one family wealthier didn’t affect median income in our toy example). But can anyone doubt that such an influx would change the character of Howard County in major ways?
How could this effect be quantified? That will be the subject of a future post.
The “wealthy few” in Howard County
September 9, 2008
Last night a post by local blogger Wordbones caught my eye. Based on a story in the Baltimore Sun, it discussed proposed plans for affordable housing in Columbia Town Center, housing that would be reserved for those with income of less than $80,000 (10% of total units) or those with income between $80,000 and $120,000 (another 10% of total units). Wordbones particularly noted a quote in the article from Alan Klein of the Coalition for Columbia’s Downtown:
Klein noted that 80 percent of the 5,500 residential units planned would be for people making more than $120,000, which he defined as
the wealthy few.It seems like a pretty elite group,said Klein, referring to the 20 percent [of units reserved for those making less than $120,000] asa drop in the bucket.
Wordbones questioned this characterization, and I myself was curious as to whether it was really true. When in doubt the best rule is to go to the data, which in this case are from the annual American Community Survey [1] produced by the US Census Bureau. In some comments on Wordbones’s blog I referenced the 2006 ACS data, but as it turns out the 2007 ACS estimates were just released, as highlighted in a recent Columbia Flier story about Howard County being the third-wealthiest county in the country.
So what do the data say? According to the detailed breakdown of household income for Howard County in 2007, about 37% of Howard County households have incomes of $125,000 or more [2]; if we add in the households between $120,000 and $125,000, and also allow for the effects of wage inflation over the past year, almost 40% of Howard County households (or nearly two out of five) are part of Alan Klein’s pretty elite group
.
But wait, there’s more! The ACS distinguishes households
from families
[3]; among other things, the ACS definition of family
excludes people living alone. If we look at the detailed data for Howard County family income for 2007 we find that 46% of Howard County families have family incomes of $125,000 or more. Also, the median Howard County family income for 2007 was $115,907, meaning 50% of Howard County families had income higher than that. So if we again add in the effects of wage inflation it’s likely that Alan Klein’s weathy few
(for whom 80% of the proposed units are reserved intended) includes half the families in Howard County.
To give Klein his due, $120,000 is an unusually high income for the US as a whole; detailed household income data for the entire US show that only 12% of US households had income of $125,000 or more in 2007, and the corresponding data for family income show that less than 16% of US families had family income above that level. This underscores the unusual position of Howard County as a very wealthy jurisdiction. Wordbones doubted whether any typical family in Columbia with a household income of $120,000 sees themselves as being wealthy
, and in the context of Howard County at least he’s absolutely right.
Notes:
- The ACS is a survey based on random samples, not a comprehensive survey like the ten-year census. Because of that there is some sampling error in the results, such that the true figures might be a few percentage points higher or lower. I’ve ignored this in my discussion (as do most press stories on the ACS data).
- ACS figures are in
2007 inflation-adjusted dollars
. I wondered a bit about what this meant until I figured it out: ACS data are taken throughout the year, and wage inflation over the course of the year causes incomes to increase slowly from month to month. The Census Bureau uses monthly inflation figures to adjust the numbers so that they are comparable, i.e., as if they were all taken in a single month in 2007. - According to the official ACS definitions,
[a] household includes all the people who occupy a housing unit
, while[a] family consists of a householder and one or more other people living in the same household who are related to the householder by birth, marriage, or adoption
. In general the number of families will be less than the number of households:Not all households contain families since a household may be comprised of a group of unrelated people or of one person living alone — these are called nonfamily households.
Thus, for example, in the 2007 ACS data Howard County is estimated as having 98,866 households but only 73,765 families.
Blogging closer to home
September 9, 2008
For those Mozilla folks and others who’ve been following my full blog feed: I happen to live in Howard County, Maryland, between Washington DC and Baltimore.For a while now I’ve been following Howard County local bloggers but haven’t joined the conversation myself. I’ve now been prompted to write on at least one Howard County topic, and in the event I write more I’ve started a Howard County category for my blog and a corresponding feed. If you’re not interested in this stuff I suggest you consider resubscribing to just my Mozilla feed.


